By Jane H. Hill
In a single of the main thorough reports ever ready of a California language, Hill's grammar experiences the phonology, morphology, syntax and discourse beneficial properties of Cupe?o, a Uto-Aztecan (takic) language of California. Cupe?o shows many strange typological positive aspects, together with break up ergativity, that require linguists to revise our figuring out of the improvement of the Uto-Aztecan family members of languages in historic and areal point of view.
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Additional info for A Grammar of Cupeno (University of California Publications in Linguistics)
Puki-ly ‘door’, puk-ngax ‘by the door’ b. meme-t ‘ocean’, mem-nga ‘in the ocean’ There are a few examples where the epenthetic vowel is not the last vowel before the suffix, as in the possessed-state form ‘my beads’ in (70), which has the suffix -’a marking possession. The epenthetic vowels in these forms are in boldface. (70) qinxa-t ‘beads’, ne-qinix-’a ‘my beads’ (*qinxt, *neqinxa’a, *neqinx’a) An argument against epenthesis and in favor of the idea that these are input vowels that are deleted is that they exhibit two qualities, i and e.
When these inherently stressed roots appear in construction with prefixes and suffixes, stress remains on the inherently stressed syllable of the root. Most inherently stressed Cupeño words are stressed on the first syllable of the root. However, I have identified 204 non-derived words that are stressed on the second syllable or later. These are listed in Appendix A. Only six words—eqapiyewe ‘sister-in-law’, espiyewe ‘sister in law’, kelyivuy ‘insect species’, kichimekulyimal ‘cumbersome’, paqawilyeve ‘hail’, Pivi’mukmal 24 Phonology ‘Little Ghost Month’—are attested with stress on the third syllable or later.
Thus we can determine that the last vowel of ‘all’ is /a/ while the last vowel of ‘clothes’ is /e/: peta’ema, chemti’ive. The transcriptions throughout the grammar are based on these considerations. Length contrast appears with all vowel qualities. Some long vowels in Cupeño seem to be recent reflexes of earlier *VhV or *V¿V sequences. Example words include meet ‘gopher’, from *mê:hë-ta (Munro 1990:241), muut ‘owl’ from *mú:hu-ta (Munro 1990:244), kiimal ‘boy’ from *kihá:-ma-l (Munro 1990:239) and ngiiy ‘go away’, where Faye often records ngi’iy, presumably with a medial glottalization.
A Grammar of Cupeno (University of California Publications in Linguistics) by Jane H. Hill